The spring protests of 2024 have already set records in terms of duration and the number of participants. How will the consideration of the “foreign agents” law—which has sparked public outrage—unfold, and how have protests evolved in Georgia over the years?
Paper Kartuli spoke with Valeri Chechelashvili, a Georgian diplomat and geopolitical expert, about the current protests and past demonstrations against Shevardnadze, Saakashvili, and the ruling Georgian Dream party.
Valeri Chechelashvili
Board Member of the Georgian Center for Strategic Analysis, Ambassador, former Minister of Finance of Georgia (2005) and Secretary General of GUAM Organization.
On the Unprecedented Nature of the Current Protests
“Last year’s protests had the same energy and momentum, but they lasted only a few days before Georgian Dream reconsidered and withdrew the law.”
About the 2023 Protests
On March 7th, 8th, and 9th, 2023, thousands of protesters gathered in front of the Georgian parliament, demanding the withdrawal of the bill On Transparency of Foreign Influence. Police used tear gas and water cannons to disperse the demonstrators. As a result of the protests, the bill was rejected in its second reading. Read more about the rallies in Paper Kartuli‘s article.
“This year’s protests are different in their duration. It seems that people are attending them out of ideological conviction and fully understand the dangers they are confronting. This is an unprecedented cycle of protests, united by a single ideological platform and focused at immediate, mid-term, and long-term goals.
“The immediate goal is the repeal of the law, which is seen not only as an attack on Georgia’s European aspirations but also as a threat to democratic freedoms such as freedom of speech and expression.
“The mid-term goal is the parliamentary elections on October 26. The long-term goal for Georgia is to become a member of the European Union and NATO.”
What Today’s Protests Have in Common with the 1978 Demonstrations
“To understand the current protests better, we need to go back to April 14, 1978. The demonstrations against the revocation of the Georgian’s status as a state language provide insight into today’s events: then, as now, youth were the driving force behind the protests.
“And we must remember that this was 1978—before the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, during the stagnation era of the USSR, ruled by security services. Yes, people were imprisoned just for listening to Voice of America, yet despite this, thousands of young people took to the streets to defend the Georgian language.”
Briefly About the 1978 Protests
On April 14, 1978, massive protests took place in Tbilisi against the removal of the Georgian language’s status as the official language of the Georgian SSR. Students played a key role in the demonstrations. One hundred thousand people took to the streets and successfully defended the state status of their native language, marking an informal beginning of Georgia’s de-Sovietization.
“That generation took far greater risks, as they could have all been imprisoned. I was there, and I remember how elderly professors came into the crowd, begging the youth not to break windows or act aggressively. These were people who knew exactly what the Soviet authorities were capable of.
“I believe there is a spiritual connection between that generation and today’s youth. Although this generation is entirely different—they grew up in a free Georgia, where fundamental freedoms and access to alternative information are the norm. These young people have never encountered corruption or bribery.
“This generation was the first to enter universities without having to pay bribes in 2005. Since then, there have been 13 graduating classes. Most of these students have traveled to Europe, thanks to visa-free policies and low-cost flights. Now, it is not easy to convince them of a shift in foreign policy from a pro-Western to a pro-Russian direction, under the pretext that someone is trying to organize anti-government uprisings.
“This argument is weak. It’s difficult to push this narrative when everyone remembers how much Europeans and Americans contributed to the development of Georgia’s statehood. For example, the unique hepatitis eradication program funded by the United States—treatment that costs tens of thousands of dollars per patient, something unaffordable for most. Georgia has its flaws, but ingratitude is not one of them.”
21st Century Protests: Against Shevardnadze and Saakashvili
“Georgian society has grown accustomed to freely expressing its opinions. I believe that a sense of injustice and the willingness to respond to it define Georgian society, which is evident in these protests. People protested against Shevardnadze, then against Saakashvili, and now against Georgian Dream.
“In 2003, people protested against the unbearable economic conditions (mass demonstrations culminated in the Rose Revolution—Paper Kartuli). Saakashvili led an almost perfect state-building policy between 2003 and 2007, and its effects are still felt today. However, society did not forgive his dramatic mistakes: the government harassed businesses, imprisoned innocent people, and cracked down on political opponents. Major protests occurred in 2007, 2009, and 2011.
“At the time, the government failed to grasp the seriousness of the protests and paid a heavy political price. I have the impression that today’s ruling party is also underestimating the strength and sincerity of the protests.”
More About Georgia’s Past Protests
2003 – In November 2003, Georgia experienced mass demonstrations amid an economic and political crisis. The protests peaked after parliamentary election fraud. On November 22, opposition leaders, led by Mikheil Saakashvili, stormed the parliament holding roses (hence the name Rose Revolution), interrupting Eduard Shevardnadze’s speech and forcing him to leave. This led to a peaceful transfer of power, and in early 2004, new presidential and parliamentary elections confirmed the victory of the National Movement, led by Saakashvili.
2007 – In the fall of 2007, protests, peaking at 50,000 participants, erupted following the arrest of Irakli Okruashvili, a former defense minister who had founded an opposition movement against Saakashvili’s government, which was exhibiting authoritarian tendencies.
2009 – Once again, mass protests against Saakashvili’s policies took place in Tbilisi, organized by a coalition of opposition parties. These demonstrations lasted about three months, drawing up to 60,000 participants at their peak but gradually fading.
2011 – The May 2011 protests also aimed to force Saakashvili’s resignation. As in 2007, 2009, and 2011, riot police brutally suppressed demonstrations. On May 26, 2011, two protesters were killed, and 37 were injured.
2019 – In 2019, protests erupted when Russian Duma deputy Sergey Gavrilov—who had voted in favor of recognizing Abkhazia and South Ossetia’s independence in 2008—addressed the Georgian parliament in Russian, seated in the speaker’s chair. The parliamentary opposition intervened, forcing the Russian delegation to leave the building and later the country. Many citizens saw this as an insult from an occupying power that controls 20% of Georgia’s territory. The June 20-21 protests, known as Gavrilov’s Night, led to an attempted storming of parliament. Riot police used tear gas and rubber bullets, injuring 240 people—two of whom lost their eyes. Anti-occupation protests continued for several months.
On the Reaction to This Year’s Protests and the Future of the Movement
“I expected a reaction from the West, but I did not anticipate it to be so serious, strong, consistent, dynamic, and increasingly tough. On the other hand, this reaction is backed by massive, multi-thousand-strong protests. If there were no protests, I believe our Western partners would not have responded so forcefully.
“I think May 11 will be the peak. Whether the third reading takes place is uncertain. If it does, there will be a veto, then an attempt to override the veto. Sanctions will follow, but against whom and in what form is hard to predict.
“If the third reading happens on May 17, and the same 83 MPs support the bill, then after sanctions, when overriding the presidential veto, that number may change. Additionally, after the law is passed, there will be a collective lawsuit in the Constitutional Court, potentially suspending the law’s enforcement.
“Once the Constitutional Court begins its review, the political process will shift to Batumi. The eight constitutional judges will face intense pressure from all sides. This brings us to the end of July—just as we enter the active phase of the election campaign.”
